Dynamique des opportunités économiques et exploitation des ressources foncières dans le Mungo au Cameroun
Jude Ndzifon Kimengsi, Abonge Laura Nkongwibuen, Rene-Joly Assako Assako, Suiven John Paul Tume, Aristide Yemmafouo & Harry Wirngo Mairomi
Abstract: Natural resource settings serve as a point of attraction to potential exploiters, making such areas veritable hollow frontiers. While sub-Saharan Africa hosts several hollow frontiers, very few studies have analyzed the dynamics around these resource sites, using hollow frontier lens. This paper uses the case of the Mungo Corridor of Cameroon, a veritable hollow frontier to: (i) identify the typology and source of hollow frontees in the Mungo Corridor, and (ii) analyze changes in land resource exploitation (interests, activities and techniques) along the Mungo Corridor hollow frontier. A random sampling of 120 households in two subdivisions – Njombé-Penja and Loum was performed and complemented by key informant interviews (N=8) and focus group discussions (N=4). The data were analyzed using quantitative methods (Chi-Square and ANOVA Test) and qualitative analysis (content and thematic analysis). Results showed that hollow frontees present in the Mungo Corridor are plantation and peasant farmers, quarry workers, hawkers, and fruit growers and sellers. Regarding their source, most of these hollow frontees originate from the North West, South West and West regions of Cameroon. The results equally revealed changes in the exploitation of natural resources and the instruments used in the exploitation of water, land, quarry and forest. While the study provides empirical evidence on the dynamics around hollow frontiers, it also suggests the need for effective community-based arrangements to steer the sustainable management of resources in hollow frontiers.
Keywords: Hollow frontiers, hollow frontees, land, water, forests, Mungo Corridor
Résumé : Les espaces géographiques riches en ressources naturelles constituent d’importants points d’attraction pour les migrants à la recherche des opportunités économiques. Alors que l’Afrique subsaharienne abrite de nombreux pôles d’opportunités économiques, très peu d’études ont été réalisées sur leur dynamique migratoire. Cet article étudie le cas du département du Mungo (Cameroun) qui est un véritable pôle d’opportunités économiques dans le but : i) d’identifier la typologie et les fondements des fronts migratoires et ii) d’analyser les récents changements observés dans l’exploitation des ressources économiques. Un échantillonnage aléatoire de 120 ménages fait dans les arrondissements de Njombé-Penja et de Loum a été complété par des entretiens avec des personnes-ressources (N=8) et des discussions de groupe (N=4). Les données ont ensuite été analysées à l’aide du logiciel SPSS (Chi-carré et test ANOVA) et selon l’approche qualitative (analyse de contenu et analyse thématique). Les résultats indiquent que les principaux acteurs du front migratoire du département du Mungo sont des travailleurs agricoles, des employés de carrières, des porteurs, et des vendeurs de fruits et légumes. Ils viennent principalement des Régions administratives du Nord-Ouest, du Sud-Ouest et de l’Ouest du Cameroun. Ces mêmes résultats révèlent des changements dans l’exploitation des ressources naturelles, les techniques utilisés dans l’exploitation de l’eau, des terres, des carrières et des forêts. Alors que l’étude fournit des preuves empiriques sur la dynamique des fronts migratoires, elle suggère également le besoin d’ententes communautaires efficaces qui orientent une gestion durable des ressources naturelles.
Mots clés: Front migratoire, migrants, foncier, eau, forêts, département du Mungo
Plan
Introduction
Study Area and Methods
Results
Typology and source of hollow frontees in the Mungo Corridor
Source of hollow frontees
Reasons for residing at the present location
Natural resources exploitation methods
The intensity of exploitation of natural resources
Discussion
Conclusion
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Introduction
Resource frontiers have always been a subject of great geographical interest. Resource-rich areas which are referred to as ‘hollow frontiers’ have received different waves of actors including explorers, conquerors, and natural resource exploiters (Browder et al., 2008). Natural resources are found all around in the natural environment; however, they are only identified as such when value is attributed to them by humans (Schellens and Gisladottir, 2018). Areas which host key natural resources which attract a significant inflow of people represent veritable hollow frontiers.
Hollow frontiers relate to natural resource-endowed areas which serve as an attractive pool to current and prospective resource users (Busch and Vance, 2011). Examples include rangelands (Busch and Vance, 2011). Such areas are characterized by the hollow-frontier phenomenon; a situation in which people from relatively less resource-endowed areas move into resource-attractive areas to take advantage of the economic opportunities found in such areas (Lead Author’s Communication with Professor Lambi, April 2015). Furthermore, hollow frontiers denote a situation where settlements witness an influx and consequent expansion of its population by drawing from the population of areas which witnessed economic decline arising from soil exhaustion and decreasing productivity (Casetti & Gauthier, 1977). Taylor (1973) further explained that it is a situation characterized by land abandonment in one location due to declining productivity, followed by corresponding waves of movement along a developed transport line to areas which possess rich soils and other economic opportunities. This situation is very much reminiscent of the Bamileke movements; due to significant pressure on soil resources in the Western Highlands, significant waves of movement towards the Mungo Corridor occurred. Worthy of note is the fact that hollow frontiers are different from pioneer fronts. Pioneer fronts are established in response to a genuine need expressed by the population who either initiate the process or are supported by stakeholders, in a bid to address land scarcity problems (Mairomi et al. 2022). Additionally, pioneer fronts were not vacant in the past; they were occupied by societies which were considered as not ‘modern’ and were therefore sent away from their land of origin (de Sartre, 2006). Pioneer fronts represent an abstract concept which is employed to qualitatively analyze complex geographic dynamics, and exhibits difficulties in the determination of its exact spatial limits (Thalês et al. 2021).
It therefore holds that natural resource settings which tend to attract potential exploiters from outside communities, exhibit attributes of hollow frontiers[1]. Hollow frontiers serve as a hub of convergence for hollow frontees – those seeking to use economic opportunities in such frontiers. Population growth continues at a rapid pace in sub-Saharan Africa (Bongaarts et al., 2008). Latin America has overlapping forms of voluntary and involuntary movement of people, the region has transitioned from rural to urban (Muggah, 2017). While such areas have witnessed significant changes over time, there is scant empirical evidence on the typology and sources of hollow frontees, the spatio-temporal changes occurring in natural resource exploitation, and the actual and potential planning measures put in place to regulate natural resource exploitation in hollow frontiers. This concerns the Mungo Corridor of Cameroon – a hollow frontier par excellence. The Mungo Corridor is a hollow frontier zone seemingly because of its rich natural resources (land, water and forests). Furthermore, the area seems to have several economic advantages including businesses which have attracted hollow frontees. So far, very little research has been carried out or is known about the space-time dynamics of this hollow frontier despite its richness in natural resources and its diverse economic activities This is with regards to the category of hollow frontees received in this area, how the change in hollow frontees affects the resource exploitation methods in this area and the economic space in general. It is important to mention that the Mungo Corridor is surrounded by densely populated areas. A good example is the Western Highland Region which is amongst the most densely populated regions of Cameron – some rural areas record up to 1000 inhabitants per km2 (Ducet and Fotsing, 1987; Fotsing, 2000).
[1] We use the term “hollow frontees” to describe the principal actors (plantation and peasant farmers, quarry workers, hawkers, and fruit-vegetable growers and sellers) involved in the hollow frontier process.
Study Area and Methods
The Mungo landscape is located in the Mungo Division of the Littoral region of Cameroon (Figure 1).
Figure 1: Location Map of Loum-Penja Hollow Frontier
The Division covers an area of about 3,723km2 and as of 2001 had a total population of 452,722, the capital of this Division is Nkongsamba (Nkembi, 2010). The Mungo corridor is made up of 13 districts/municipalities namely Baré-Bakem, Bonalea, Dibombari, Loum, Manjo, Mbanga, Mélong, Mombo, Njombé-Penja, Nkongsamba I, Nkongsamba II, Nkongsamba III and Eboné. From these communities, two were purposively selected to include Loum and Penja axis. They were selected because they harbour a significant number of settlements, have a high population, and continue to witness an increase in economic activities. The area is in the equatorial climatic domain. Rainfall is more than 2000mm but presents significant local variations. In the south of the Mungo, the rainfall decreases towards Mbanga (2300mm) and increases near the mountain area (2700mm in Njombe, 3000mm in Penja, and 2700mm in Nkongsamba). The soils are mostly ferralitic and volcanic, as well as andosols (Tsufac et al., 2021). As of the 2005 Census, Njombe and Penja are populated by about 50,800 inhabitants with a surface area of about 260 km2 (195 inhabitants/km2) (Ako et al., 2010). The population of Njombe and Penja increased from 33,000 to 50,000 while that of Loum went from 67,000 to 110, 000 inhabitants (GTZ, 2006) and with the ongoing crisis, the population has greatly increased in the Mungo corridor.
This study employed a mixed methods approach involving qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis. Three research instruments were used: these include an interview guide, a focus group discussion guide and a semi-structured questionnaire. The key informant interviews (KII) consisted of six questions which focused on the source and typology of hollow frontees and their role in the changes in natural resource exploitation. Eight key informants were interviewed: four government officials (Council and the Divisional Office of Loum and Penja), one indigene from Loum, and three traditional authorities (Cacao Town in Penja, Mission Catholique and Ngoumba in Loum) (Table 1).
Table 1: Key informant interviews
The key data obtained from the key informants were the identification of natural resources and those exploiting these resources, changes in the resource exploitation methods over time, difficulties faced in implementing the law governing natural resources and planning measures on natural resources in this area. This paved the way for FGDs, which had six questions with an emphasis on the exploitation of natural resources by hollow frontees and the natural resource management challenges linked to the diversity of hollow frontees. Four focus group discussions were carried out, one with the first inhabitants of the Mungo and the second with frontees from other regions and this was done in the two villages; Penja and Loum. The participants were carefully selected based on longevity in the area. The FGDs involved between 7 and 12 participants and most of the discussions lasted for between 50 and 80 minutes (Table 2). Field notes were used to record the responses obtained during KIIs and FGDs.
Data collected from this second set of FGDs focused on changes in the exploitation of land, water, forest and quarry and those involved in the exploitation of each resource, the reasons behind the movement of hollow frontees from their initial locations and the activities carried out by these frontees. After qualitative data collection, semi-structured questionnaires (120) were administered randomly in the neighborhood of Loum and Penja in both French and English. The entire data collection period ran from
Table 2: Focus Group Discussions
March to May 2022. Respondents used between 35-50 minutes to respond to each questionnaire. Out of the 120 questionnaires administered, 67 questionnaires were administered in Loum and 53 in Penja.
Data Analysis
Qualitative data were transcribed and content analysis was performed to establish lines of thought in relation to the typology of hollow frontees and their source. Data gotten from the questionnaire were sorted after the collection of data, inputted and treated using excel and analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) Version 20 and transformed into statistical tables, pie charts and bar charts. Statistical tables were further analyzed and presented in the form of frequency and percentage charts. Quantitative analysis was further performed using the Chi-square and the ANOVA tests. The Chi-square test was used to analyze the typology and sources of hollow frontees. This was done, to compare frontees from different regions of Cameroon. The Pearsons Product Moment Correlation was used to analyze resource exploitation methods about hollow frontees while the ANOVA Test was used to test the efficiency of planning measures for the exploitation of natural resources in the Mungo Corridor.
Results
Typology and source of hollow frontees in the Mungo Corridor
Eight different typologies of hollow frontees were identified (Table 3) including peasant farmers, plantation farmers, fruit growers and sellers, quarry workers, forest and Non-Timber Forest Product (NTFP) collectors, fishermen/women, roadside sellers (street vendors), and investors.
Table 3: Typology of hollow frontees in the Mungo Corridor
The study identified that 26.7% of the population were peasant farmers, coming from the North West, West and Littoral regions, with the majority from the North West. About 15.8% of the population were plantation farmers. Those involved in this form of agriculture were from the North West, West and Centre Regions of Cameroon while the majority were the indigenes of this locality, that is, the Littoral region. The age range of the population was between 23 and 64 years. Moreover, 13.3% of the population were of the category fruit growers and sellers.
About 1.7% of the population were quarry workers. Only males of ages 25-35 years are involved in this activity, this is due to the nature of the activity; it requires manpower and also enough strength, which explains why the youths are highly involved. Also, timber and NTFP exploiters were about 2.5% of the respondents in this study. Those involved in timber exploitation are males while NTFP exploiters were females with ages ranging from 40 to 41 years. In addition, roadside vendors were about 9.2% of the population. Those under this category were predominantly females from other regions (North West, South West and West) with ages between 25 and 40. The majority of these people are primary school leavers: of whom many were single.
The Mungo corridor is a source of attraction to resource users, business and economic operators. The Mungo corridor hosts investors from all regions of Cameroon especially the West, North West and South West regions of Cameroon. The study revealed that 12.5% of the population were of the category of investors in the agricultural sector, mining sector, health sector, and social sector (the establishment of schools). These investors comprised both males and females aged 25 years and above. Also, 2.5% of the population were in the category of peasant farmers and fishermen. The study also identified 15.8% of the population under the category of secondary and high school students and teachers.
Source of hollow frontees
On the sources of hollow frontees, the study observed that 61% came from the West and North West regions while 27% came from the Littoral region, 7% were from the South West region and the other 5% were from the Centre, East, North and South Regions of Cameroon (Figure 2). According to an indigene (male) from Loum “the Mungo Corridor is home to residents from several regions of Cameroon but we have most of our migrants predominantly from the West Region who migrated here during the period of independence struggle. This group constitutes the first wave of in-migrants who settled here in the 1960s. The second wave of these migrants was also received in the 1980s. The migrant population kept on increasing in the 1990s and seems to have peaked with the socio-political crisis in the English speaking regions which started in 2016. As the frontier is blessed with a range of natural resources to serve this vulnerable migrant population, they decided to settle here…” (Interview, Loum, March 1st, 2022).
Figure 2: Sources of frontees in the Mungo Corridor
Reasons for residing at the present location
People move to an area because of pull factors. It is for this reason therefore that the Mungo corridor has been a home for many migrants coming from all ten regions of Cameroon since it offers a window of opportunities for poor and vulnerable migrants. This study, therefore, examined the factors that account for the movement of people to the Mungo Corridor, among which factors such as agriculture, education, and commerce were identified to be the pull factors (Figure 3).
The vast and fertile volcanic soils along this zone from the Cameroon Volcanic Line accounts for the attraction of a greater number of agricultural investors. About 43.3 % of the population was attracted to the area because of agriculture; this includes commercial (plantation) agriculture and home consumption. This led to small transformative industries such as oil mills, industries in charge of washing and parceling bananas, and those processing white pepper commonly known in the area as “poivre blanc”.
Figure 3: Reasons for residing at the present location in the Mungo Corridor
The Mungo corridor is an agricultural base division. Moreover, these agricultural products have attracted people to this area to engage in the commercialization of both farm and nonfarm products. This accounts for 18.3% of the population being involved in commerce. Also, the strategic location of the landscape (in terms of resource availability and its connection to other parts of Cameroon) is an added advantage to why the population prefers this area. Considering that the Mungo Division is very close to the South West and North West regions, the Mungo corridor has been a home for students to take advantage of the educational sector which makes up 14.2% of the population. Students who settle here are highly involved in the petit trading; the reason why 20.8% of the population choose to settle in this corridor Close to two percent (1.7%) of the population identified their motive for settling in this corridor to be agriculture and commerce.
Historically, movements into hollow frontiers began in the 1960s characterized by the earlier “colonizers” of this space. This also coincided with the period of the independence quest for Cameroon. The second phase occurred after the coffee crisis in the 1980s which triggered movements into the Mungo Corridor for the cultivation and supply of new cash crops such as “poivre”, papayas, manioc, plantains and pepper. A more recent phase is linked to the massive influx of victims of the crises in the North West and South West Regions.
Another crucial locational element of the Mungo Corridor is the presence of diverse commercial activities which have an umbilical link with the Douala metropolis. A significant proportion of hollow frontees have become commercial actors who supply agricultural produce (food and fruits) to ‘buyam sellams’ (dynamic hawkers) who transport and, in turn, sell these products in the city of Douala and other towns. Private individuals who ply this corridor equally purchase these products daily for home consumption. While commercial activities are increasing, there is a conspicuous absence of social facilities such as hospitals.
A participant (female) during the focus group discussion with non-indigenes mentioned, “despite the richness in natural resources and other advantages, this corridor has few hospitals. Consequently, there is a serious issue with regards to the doctor patient ratio. The limited availability of such facilities and the available land caused me to move into the Mungo corridor to open a clinic which I did. And now with the increase in population due to the ongoing crisis, there is a need for many hospitals and clinics to be constructed” (FGD, 25th February 2022, at 12 pm).
A representative of the Sub-Divisional Officer (female) stated that: “villages like Penja and Loum are highly populated due to the movement of people from within the Mungo Corridor. This is due to the lack of high school education in some villages like Njombe; as such, these students are compelled to move to other localities in search of better education, and this explains why some youths move into the Mungo Corridor” (Interview, Loum, 24th February 2022, 10 am).
The Chi-Square (Table 4) analysis revealed that the interactive frequency for the typology and sources of hollow frontees in the Mungo Corridor is 0.244, which is greater than the p-value of 0.005.
This validates the assumption that hollow frontees in the Mungo Corridor are predominantly from the North West region than other regions of Cameroon.
Table 4: Chi-Square for typology and sources of frontees
Natural resources exploitation methods
The exploitation of natural resources is an essential condition of human existence. Natural resource exploitation can be summarized as the use of natural resources for economic growth. The exploitation of resources can be done either by artisanal or mechanized methods (Table 5). Interestingly, land which many identified as a very significant resource to them is exploited using the artisanal method by the majority of the population (73.3%).
Table 5: Natural resources exploitation methods in the Mungo Corridor Hollow Frontier
In addition, 2.5% of the population identified that they exploit the land using mechanized methods and others (24.2%) are not involved in the exploitation of this resource. Field observations revealed that the exploitation of land by the community is done using the artisanal method, while companies like Plantation du Haute Penja (PHP) use mechanized methods in exploiting the land for agriculture. Water, one of the resources commonly exploited by all, is highly exploited by companies and individuals using artisanal and mechanized methods. Again, 96.7% of the population believed that they apply artisanal methods of exploitation of water for fishing and domestic use. Moreover, 4.4% of the population noted that they exploit this resource using the mechanized or industrialized method. Field observations revealed that this resource is exploited by the community mainly through the artisanal method. PHP is the only company which extracts water using a quasi-mechanized method. Other companies also exploit this resource in an artisanal and semi-mechanized method.
Concerning forest exploitation, the findings revealed that 5.0% of the population is involved in the industrialized method of forest exploitation, and 7.5% of the population saw the artisanal method of exploitation as the method they use in exploiting this resource. Also, 87.5% of the population revealed that they are not involved in the exploitation of this resource. However, field observation revealed that this resource is exploited mainly through the artisanal method by individuals.
A (male) indigene of Loum indicated that: “the forest has greatly been used up by companies and yet no impact is felt in the community. Presently there is no industry exploiting our forest only individuals of the locality who are involved in the construction of tables, chairs, and products directly related to the wood exploit it. That is why those involved in it are mostly practicing the artisanal method to carry out the activity” (Interview, Loum, 1st March 2022, at 5 pm).
Concerning the exploitation of quarries, the study showed that 6.7% of the population were of the fact that they are exploiting the quarries using mechanized or industrialized methods. While the other population (20.8%) pointed out that they are exploiting quarries using the artisanal method and the majority of the population 72.5% identified that they are not involved in the exploitation of this resource.
A female respondent from the DO’s office, Loum, indicated that: “the Mungo corridor is a land rich in natural resources, especially minerals. However, most companies are involved in the exploitation of this resource. Those engaged in this activity mostly use the artisanal method, and individuals who are building often use very crude instruments in carrying out this activity. Very few companies like Dangote and MENOU employed the mechanized methods of exploitation” (Interview, Loum, 24th February 2022, at 10 am).
The intensity of exploitation of natural resources
The value of an object determines the rate at which that object is utilized. Natural resources which have been considered an important aspect of every country are also considered valuable by those living in Loum and Penja. Intensity simply means the rate at which a resource is being used to meet up with individual and company needs. The intensity of exploitation of these resources was categorized into four groups which are: Daily, weekly, monthly, annually and not exploited (Table 6).
Table 6: Intensity of exploitation of natural resources in the Mungo Corridor
Field evidence revealed that amongst those exploiting this resource, 54.2% of the population identified that exploitation of land is done daily. While 18.3% of the population exploiting this resource identified that this resource is exploited weekly by them. Another group (3.3%) identified that they exploit this resource monthly due to other commitments and lastly, 24.2% are not involved in the exploitation of this resource. Water which is a resource exploited by many is exploited daily by almost all the population (97.5%). The other segment of the population who are involved in the exploitation of this resource points out that they exploit this resource weekly. Forest was exploited daily by 5.8% of the population, while 4.2% of the population is exploited weekly. Also, 6.7% noted that they exploit this resource monthly due to their other engagements. Finally, a greater percentage of the population (87.5) is not involved in the exploitation of the forest. Field evidence also revealed that 12.5% of the population exploit quarries daily, while 8.3% of the population is of the fact that they exploit this resource weekly. Moreover, 6.7% of the population made mention of the fact that this resource is exploited monthly and lastly 72.5% of the population reveal that they are not included in the exploitation of this resource.
The analysis on whether there exists a significant relationship between the spatio-temporal distribution of hollow frontees and the types of natural resources exploited was performed using the Pearson’s Product Moment correlation (Table 7).
Table 7: Pearson Product Moment Correlation for hollow frontees and resources exploited
The P-value for frontees index and resource index stands at .026 with covariance at .245 and .008 respectively for frontees and resources index. Since the P-value of .782 is greater than .05, the hypothesis which states that there exists a significant relationship between the spatio-temporal distribution of hollow frontees and the types of natural resources exploited is accepted. Hollow frontees vary in terms of their resource exploitation over space and time.
Discussion
The study revealed that frontees in the Mungo Corridor come from eight out of ten regions of Cameroon which include; North West, South West, West, South, Littoral, Center, East, and North regions of Cameroon, with a majority coming from West and North West regions of Cameroon. However, Key informants revealed that the Mungo Corridor hosts hollow frontees from all 10 regions of Cameroon due to its diverse resource attributes. Findings from the study also revealed that there are differences in the typology of frontees coming from the different regions of Cameroon. These categories are seen to be peasant farmers, plantation farmers, fruit growers and sellers, quarry workers, forest and NTFPS collectors, fishermen/women, roadside sellers (street vendors), and investors. These frontees left their region of origin for reasons like limited natural resources available for exploitation, political instability, the search for greener pastures, and the need for investments. Many frontees search view the Mungo Corridor as a hub for them. The Mungo corridor due to its fertility favoured agriculture, and also because of its strategic location, it favoured economic activity. Also, education is one of the reasons why these frontees choose to locate in the Mungo Corridor of Cameroon. Barbier et al., (1983) and Carr (2004) mentioned that one of the main drivers of frontees movement to a particular frontier is the availability of land; this has been the case with the Mungo Corridor.
The study also revealed that the migration of males is dominant over the migration of females. According to the in-depth discussions, this movement is because most males are breadwinners. So, they move in search of better opportunities in the Mungo Corridor. Additionally, this area is characterized by the presence of plantations which favours male migration over females. This goes in line with Ibtihel (2012) who mentioned that “male migration is much higher than that of women (the number of male emigrants between 2005 and 2006 is three times that of women). Thus, although female migration for economic reasons is considerable, it is usually dependent on the family”. The women are mostly involved in roadside selling, peasant farming and other petit trading, while the men are heavily engaged in plantation agriculture, quarrying, fishing and other strenuous activities. What needs to be fully uncovered are the socio-economic impacts of the dynamics around hollow frontiers. It is plausible that, due to the presence of hollow frontees and the multiplicity of economic activities, the impacts from a socio-economic perspective would be significant. This calls for further studies to uncover such impacts.
Natural resources identified in this study were land, water, quarry, and forest. These resources are spatially distributed over this area with Loum having enough land for agriculture, quarries, water, and few forest reserves, Penja also has all these resources in smaller quantities. These resources are exploited to meet up with the needs of the population. Over time, changes were witnessed concerning how hollow frontees exploit resources. For instance, before the “maquisards” incident, frontees of the Mungo corridor consisted of mainly the “Bonkes” that is the indigenes of the Mungo Corridor who were mostly involved in peasant farming. After the incident, those from the West region migrated and occupied parts of the area. A lot changed with the resources exploited. Presently this area is no longer dominated by one region but the ongoing socio-political crisis in Cameroon’s English speaking regions has contributed greatly to the changes in frontees of the Mungo Corridor which has changed the resources exploited, with forest almost not found due to over-exploitation. The quarry is also exploited by many from different regions of Cameroon. This is in line with the results of Mairomi et al., (2022) who carried out a study on land use/land cover dynamics in natural resource settings and their implications on the livelihoods of Nkuh and Nkuv on the Bui Plateau of Cameroon. Land use dynamics are recurrent; yet, stakeholder interests and the various changes in land-use practices are still to be fully mainstreamed in resource-use practices. The implications for livelihood improvement are indicative of the attracting force of these areas to different stakeholders.
Conclusion
The study established that hollow frontees in the Mungo Corridor are from other regions of Cameroon predominantly North and South West, and West regions and that hollow frontees are categorized under peasant farmers, plantation farmers, fruit growers and sellers, quarry workers, forest and non-timber forest products (NTFPS) collectors, fishermen, roadside sellers (street vendors), and investors.
This study is set to look at the spatio-temporal changes in natural resource exploitation along the Mungo hollow frontier. Resources identified in this study were land, water, quarry and forest, which are important to individuals. These resources were said to be exploited by both companies and individuals. With the coming of new frontees into the Mungo Corridor of Cameroon, changes have occurred in the exploitation of natural resources. Both artisanal and mechanized exploitation methods are used in exploiting these resources. Resources such as forests are almost absent in Penja while few areas in Loum still harbour this resource. Also, streams are gradually losing their value because of the activities carried out by most companies in this area. The land is greatly used for agriculture and quarries are not only exploited by companies but also by individuals using the artisanal method. Although several laws are there to govern the management of these resources by the government, these resources are still significantly exploited with little regard for the law. In this regard, sensitization of the community on the need for the preservation of natural resources for future generations is an important recommendation to protect natural resources in these hollow frontiers. Also, the creation of growth poles in each region will help reduce hollow frontee movements into the Mungo corridor which will go a long way to protect hollow frontiers with the Mungo corridor inclusive. While the Mungo Corridor presents a spectrum of opportunities to hollow frontees, the extent to which the original inhabitants of this area benefit from such opportunities remains relatively less known. This leaves us with a question for future studies to establish the socio-economic impacts of the dynamics around the Mungo corridor – a hollow frontier par excellence.
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To cite this article
Electronic reference
Jude Ndzifon Kimengsi, Abonge Laura Nkongwibuen, Rene-Joly Assako Assako, Suiven John Paul Tume, Aristide Yemmafouo & Harry Wirngo Mairomi (2023). «Hollow Frontier Dynamics and Land Resource Exploitation in the Mungo Landscape of Cameroon ». Canadian journal of tropical geography/Revue canadienne de géographie tropicale [Online], Vol. (9) 1. Online July 10, 2023, pp. 7-13. URL: https://revuecangeotrop.ca
Authors
Jude Ndzifon Kimengsi
Department of Geography
Higher Teacher Training College
The University of Bamenda, Cameroon
Email: jude.kimengsi@catuc.org / kimengsi.jude@uniba.cm
Abonge Laura Nkongwibuen
Department of Geography and Planning
Faculty of Arts
University of Bamenda, Cameroon
Email: abongelaura80@gmail.com
Rene-Joly Assako Assako
Department of Geography
University of Douala, Cameroon
Email: rjassako@yahoo.fr
Suiven John Paul Tume
Department of Geography and Planning
Faculty of Arts
University of Bamenda, Cameroon
Email: wantume@gmail.com
Aristide Yemmafouo
Department of Geography
University of Dschang, Cameroon
Email: ayemmafouo@yahoo.fr
Harry Wirngo Mairomi
Department of Geography
Higher Teacher Training College
University of Bamenda, Cameroon
Email: mairomijunior@yahoo.com
